Original Document

"...I stated on a former occasion one important advantage: by adopting this system we become a NATION; at present we are not one. Can we perform a single national act? can we do anything to procure us dignity, or to preserve peace and tranquillity? can we relieve the distress of our citizens? can we provide for their welfare or happiness? The powers of our government are mere sound. If we offer to treat with a nation, we receive this humiliating answer, "You cannot, in propriety of language make a treaty- because you have no power to execute it." Can we borrow money There are too many examples of unfortunate creditors existing, both on this and the other side of the Atlantic, to expect success from this expedient. But could we borrow money, we cannot command a fund to enable us to pay either the principal or interest; for in instances where our friends have advanced the principal, they have been obliged to advance the interest also in order to prevent the principal from being annihilated in their hands by depreciation. Can we raise an army? The prospect of a war is highly probable. The accounts we receive by every vessel from Europe mention that the highest exertions are making in the ports and arsenals of the highest maritime powers; but whatever the consequence may be, are we to lay supine? We know we are unable under the articles of confederation to exert ourselves; and shall we continue so until a stroke be made on our commerce, or we see the debarkation of an hostile army on our unprotected shores?.. With what propriety can we hope our flag will be respected while we have not a single gun to fire in its defence?

Can we expect to make internal improvement, or accomplish any of those great national objects which I formerly alluded to, when we cannot find money to remove a single rock out of a river?

This system, Sir, will at least make us a nation, and put it in the power of the Union to act as such. We will be considered as such by every nation in the world. We will regain the confidence of our own citizens, and command the respect of others.

As we shall become a nation, I trust that we shall also form a national character; and that this character will be adapted to the principles and genius of our system of government: as yet we possess none-our language, manners, customs, habits and dress, depend too much upon those of other countries. Every nation in these respects should possess originality. There are not on any part of the globe finer qualities, for forming a national character, than those possessed by the children of America. Activity, perseverance, industry, laudable emulation, docility in acquiring information, firmness in adversity, and patience and magnanimity under the greatest hardships; from these materials, what a respectable national character may be raised. . . .

If we adopt this system of government, I think we may promise security, stability and tranquillity to the governments of the different States. They will not be exposed to the danger of competition on questions of territory, or any that of the brave and enlightened of other nations. The advantages resulting from this system will not be confined to the United States; it will draw from Europe many worthy characters, who pant for the enjoyment of freedom. It will induce princes, in order to preserve their subject(s), to restore to them a portion of that liberty of which have heretofore disturbed them. A tribunal is here founded to decide, justly and quietly, any interfering claim; . . .

Permit me to offer one consideration more that ought to induce our acceptance of this system. I feel myself lost in the contemplation of its magnitude. By adopting this system, we shall probably lay a foundation for erecting temples of liberty in every part of the earth. It has been thought by many, that on the success of the struggle America has made for freedom, will depend the exertions they have for so many ages been deprived.

It will be subservient to the great designs of providence, with regard to this globe; the multiplication of mankind, their improvement in knowledge, and their advancement in happiness . . ."


Credit: John Bach McMaster, ed., Pennsylvania and the Federal Constitution, 1787-1788 (Philadelphia, 1888), 415-418.